---
title: "Broadway Simpson Project"
type: "pdf"
year: "2013"
canonical: "/projects/749"
---

# Broadway Simpson Project

![img-0.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-0.jpeg)

# Table of Contents

- [Broadway Simpson Project](#broadway-simpson-project)
- [Summary](#summary)
  - [Scan](#scan)
  - [Responses](#responses)
- [Assessment](#assessment)
  - [Allied Drive](#allied-drive)
- [Scanning](#scanning)
- [Analysis](#analysis)
- [Alternate sources of authority](#alternate-sources-of-authority)
  - [Police Data](#police-data)
- [Property Management Standards And Comparison](#property-management-standards-and-comparison)
  - [Tenant Lists](#tenant-lists)
- [Tipping Point Theory](#tipping-point-theory)
- [Gang Trends](#gang-trends)
- [Design Assessments](#design-assessments)
  - [Building Inspection Tours](#building-inspection-tours)
  - [Bare Grass Areas Orders](#bare-grass-areas-orders)
- [Broken Windows](#broken-windows)
  - [Drug Sales Facilitators - Drug Market Analysis](#drug-sales-facilitators-drug-market-analysis)
  - [City Improvements to Public Space](#city-improvements-to-public-space)
- [Response](#response)
  - [Environmental Design](#environmental-design)
  - [The Fence](#the-fence)
- [No Stopping Standing or Parking](#no-stopping-standing-or-parking)
  - [Focused Deterrence](#focused-deterrence)
- [Trespass](#trespass)
  - [Neighborhood Policing](#neighborhood-policing)
  - [Shifting and Sharing - Property Management Improvment](#shifting-and-sharing-property-management-improvment)
- [Changing perceptions](#changing-perceptions)
  - [Graphics and maps](#graphics-and-maps)
- [ZAP and ALP](#zap-and-alp)
  - [Assessment](#assessment)
- [Data and measures](#data-and-measures)
  - [Displacement](#displacement)
- [Agency and Officer Information](#agency-and-officer-information)
  - [Key Project Team Members](#key-project-team-members)
- [Police Incidents](#police-incidents)
- [Reports of shots fired](#reports-of-shots-fired)
  - [This page and next:](#this-page-and-next)
  - [Post \#4483779](#post-4483779)
- [![img-3.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-3.jpeg)](#img-3jpeghttpspopdatasetsblobcorewindowsnetpopdatasetmdimgs13-39_madisonimg-3jpeg)
  - [16-30-2005, 09:52 PM](#16-30-2005-0952-pm)
  - [Megan1967](#megan1967)
  - [16-30-2005, 10:59 PM](#16-30-2005-1059-pm)
  - [gold*dust 1](#golddust-1)
- [Broadway/Lakepoint](#broadwaylakepoint)
  - [4. Over the past year, would you say this neighborhood has become a better place to live, stayed about the same, or become worse?](#4-over-the-past-year-would-you-say-this-neighborhood-has-become-a-better-place-to-live-stayed-about-the-same-or-become-worse)
- [1992 - 1993  CALLS FOR SERVICE](#1992-1993-calls-for-service)
- [The Broadway Simpson Neighborhood Officers](#the-broadway-simpson-neighborhood-officers)
- [City moves to seize 'open-air drug market'](#city-moves-to-seize-open-air-drug-market)
  - [Lawsuit seeks control of](#lawsuit-seeks-control-of)

# Summary 

The Broadway Simpson Neighborhood Project is marking its twentieth anniversary this year. This neighborhood was transformed from the worst, to a shining example of the best that Problem Oriented Policing can accomplish.

## Scan

In the mid 1980's, a neighborhood plan for Broadway Simpson identified concerns but no crisis

- The first neighborhood officer was assigned in 1987.
- Police calls increase dramatically in 1990
- A tragic homicide of a 15 year old was an alarm.
- The Blue Blanket, a street level drug team, was the city's response.
- Police incidents continued to rise at an increasing rate through1992.
- The neighborhood officer, in a letter to the mayor called it "a neighborhood in crisis".
- Headlines declared Broadway Simpson the "Worst Neighborhood" in Madison.
- The Blue Blanket, a drug war success, was not saving Broadway Simpson.

Analysis identified three causes of the crisis in Broadway Simpson:

1. A critical concentration of bad landlords
2. Design features that facilitated a drug market
3. Community perceptions and lower standards of acceptable behavior

Officer Jim Dexheimer, the new NPO, created the calls for service per unit (cfs/u) index to link management practices to neighborhood decline.

## Responses

- Building working relationships with 19 property owners.
- Employing shifting and sharing strategies with recalcitrant landlords.
- Adapting drug abatement as a framework for both improving and removing owners
- A fence through the heart of the drug market was a dramatic design initiative

- Design solutions targeted hotspots and threats to officers from large disturbances.
- Dramatic gestures and extensive use of the media sent a message.
- Dispersing the gangsters with focused deterrence.
- Major case treatment of neighborhood disturbances after they were no longer the norm.


# Assessment 

- Police calls dropped to 39\% of pre-POP levels by 1998.
- CFS decreased to $26 \%$ in 2005.
- Reduced CFS saved 12.4 million dollars from 1995 to 2013.
- The public drug market closed and the GDs left in 1997.
- Redevelopment stalled in 1995 started again in 1998
- In 2004 MPD ended the NPO position

In 2002 citizen surveys of all South District neighborhoods, Broadway Simpson had the highest regard for the police.

## Allied Drive

Allied Dr Neighborhood and Broadway Simpson are very similar to each other. Both were able to begin redevelopment after two different but successful police interventions. Comparison of the two provides valuable insight.

# Scanning 

Madison, Wisconsin, located 147 miles northwest of Chicago on Interstate 90, has a population of 236,901 and a police force of 446 sworn officers. The police department has a history of progressive policing including some of the earliest Problem Oriented Policing projects beginning in 1980. The Department's commitment to POP began under Chief David Couper and continues to this day under Chief Noble Wray. Madison is also the home of Professor Herman Goldstein. In 1987, Chief Wray was one of eight officers chosen for MPD's new neighborhood policing program and was assigned to the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood.

The Broadway Simpson Neighborhood was an area of rental housing approximately four blocks long and two blocks wide with 767 rental units and nearly 3,000 residents. It is on a narrow strip of city land surrounded by Lake Monona on the north and the City of Monona on the east and south. West Broadway is a four lane divided highway separating the apartments in the city from the business park in Monona. There were no businesses, schools or churches located in the neighborhood.

The 1985 neighborhood plan identified Broadway Simpson as a "concentration" neighborhood having:

- A high density of low-income families living in the large apartment complexes;
- Acute social needs resulting from the neighborhood's physical isolation
- An absence of community facilities;
- And no previous CDBG funding.

Though crime is mentioned later in the report as a concern, the only specific recommendation for the police is to "Institute a neighborhood police foot patrol in the area."

By 1990 crime and violence in Broadway Simpson was increasing dramatically as new arrivals were bringing crack and a more serious gang presence. Officers responding to disturbances were harassed and

threatened. Random beatings of citizens who ventured near were clearly gang initiations. The 1991 murder of 15-year-old Damian Smith was a watershed moment for the neighborhood. In response, the Madison Police Department formed a street level drug interdiction unit know as the Blue Blanket. The unit was effective at arresting drug dealers citywide but did not alter the upward trend of violence and disturbances in Broadway Simpson. Years later I learn that the unit was frustrated by the design of the area. Lookouts often tipped off their presence and so the unit actually focused on other areas where they could be more effective.

The neighborhood's problems were frequently headlines in the local media. The label "Worst Neighborhood in Madison" was unanimously bestowed on Broadway Simpson. In 1992, I became the new neighborhood officer. I wanted to be the NPO in the worst neighborhood. I recognized that this was an opportunity to have the job that was my highest aspiration as a cop. I believed in neighborhood policing. I believed that Problem Oriented Policing could completely solve the problems on Broadway Simpson and would settle for nothing less than "saving the neighborhood". My captain was more pessimistic and sent me in with the exhortation: "Dex, we really don't expect that you'll be able to do anything."

# Analysis 

In 1992 there were 2,313 police incidents in the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood. In 1993 they increased $17 \%$ to 2711 . Both totals were more than two percent of all police calls in Madison. The Damien Smith homicide two years earlier confirmed for many the feeling that the City was losing control of the neighborhood. The Blue Blanket was formed in response to what was perceived as a drug epidemic. Though a great success in the citywide war on drugs, the Blanket did not make any progress in reversing the trend on Simpson St. Analysis began in January 1993. It included citizen surveys (both door to door and web based); creative analysis of police data to glean comparative information about stakeholders in the neighborhood; environmental design assessments conducted from several perspectives

(including building inspection, officer safety, broken windows, regaining control of private space, drug market facilitators and city funded enhancements to the safety of the area); GIS and mapping; study of sources of authority in the neighborhood; and identifying discrepancies in community standards, tolerance of disorder and perceptions both inside and outside the Broadway Simpson community.

# Alternate sources of authority 

An element of Problem Oriented Policing is finding alternate sources of authority. Enforcement had not worked and aggressive drug enforcement had increased hostility toward the police. Officers threatened by menacing crowds were paying the price for enforcement-based solutions. The Joining Forces for Families team provided an awareness of the role of several extended families in the neighborhood, and the authority exercised by a few wise matriarchs. The traditional authority of landlords was mysteriously absent in many parts of Broadway Simpson. Finding out why and working to revive it was a six-year quest.

The most unlikely source of authority rose out of police reports and surveillance of drug activity. During drug surveillance, in addition to illegal activity, you watch many hours of loitering and seemingly pointless activity. But by observing how people interact and the contact point for new arrivals, it is possible to discern the hierarchy of the group. A dialogue with gang leaders was useful many times.

Three neighborhood organizations were also helpful in exerting social controls, the owners association, JFF and MOSS.

## Police Data

I created the calls for service per unit index to objectively compare landlords based on the demand for police service to their property. Police incident data has drawbacks but it enabled fair and objective comparison of one landlord to the other 19. The index dismissed the specious argument of some owners

that they were victims of the neighborhood. It was the first step in tying poor management practices to the conditions in the neighborhood and holding the owners accountable. The first step was hand entering all the previous year's police calls into a database. Sorting by address and grouping buildings owned by a single person and then factoring in the number of rental units, resulted in a numeric rating for each of the nineteen owners (and the mean for the neighborhood). In 1992, the five worst properties in the neighborhood had indexes from 7.1 to $15.1 \mathrm{cfs} / \mathrm{u}$. All of these properties were in the 1900 block at the west end of the neighborhood and bordered the drug market known as "The Hole". Four of these five were eventually the target of drug abatement civil cases. The index for the whole neighborhood was 3.0 cfs/u. Of more significance than worst ratings, were the index numbers for Riverwood at the east end of the neighborhood, and the Paske's building at 1917 Simpson St, which also bordered the drug market. Riverwood at $.07 \mathrm{cfs} / \mathrm{u}$ became the benchmark for what was possible. But the Paske property became the holy grail, proof that well managed property can withstand the onslaught of gangs and drugs, even when standing shoulder to shoulder with the worst and only separated by a 42 inch high chain link fence*.

# Property Management Standards And Comparison 

If property owners were the key to understanding the breakdowns in the neighborhood, then both the best and the worst real world management practices needed to be identified. Monona Shores was not perfect but it became clear that the management practices used by Elaine Doolittle and Preferred Management could be a model for the neighborhood.

## Tenant Lists

Another tool for analysis evolved out of my first meeting with Elaine at Monona Shores. She offered me a list of all the tenants of the complex. I did not realize at the time, but what was significant about this list was that she had it available and kept it updated daily. It would seem to just be a good management practice to have available a handy list to everyone authorized to live at a particular rental property. As I met individually with the other owners and managers in Broadway Simpson, I asked about a tenant list.

Only one refused because of privacy concerns. The inability of some landlords to produce a list, even after several months, was a surprise. From this I learned that knowing who lived on your rental property was a basic good practice for all responsible landlords. There were many reasons for not being able to produce a list, none of them good. The worst landlords on Simpson St:

- Did not visit their property
- Did not interact with their tenants
- Did not know the names of their tenants
- Did not know who lived there beyond the person who paid the rent
- Did not know how many people occupied the apartment
- Were often afraid of their tenants
- And were powerless to set standards of behavior.

Even more basic, they did not have written leases on file, did not have written applications and did no screening. I learned from working with the neighborhood Building Inspector, Bill Albert, that there were other landlords like that in Madison, some who had numerous properties throughout the city. What was unique about our neighborhood was the concentration of several bad property owners, especially in the smaller 4 and 8 -unit buildings in the 1900 block. Tenant lists alerted me to the practice of rollover. Friends, relatives or simply squatter would take over an apartment when the original tenant left. Some landlords just continued to accept rent with no concern about who occupied their building. The most egregious landlord action was to rent to a tenant evicted from another property in the neighborhood. It was proof that they did not screen tenants. It was also damning evidence in civil court.

# Tipping Point Theory 

The deterioration, disorder and violence in the 1900 block began a downward spiral that engulfed most of the community. How many inept landlords were too many? What was the critical mass of bad property management? I could only answer that by targeting the worst for removal and watching for signs of recovery. Six were definitely too many.

Later, in 2009 when I was back in the neighborhood as a Community Policing Team supervisor, I had a chance to reexamine that theory. Over the course of three years I identified several problem owners, but never more than two at the same time. Still the neighborhood thrived because it now had the capacity to endure one or two negligent owners. That capacity has three components: community standards that don't tolerate disorder, involved citizens who alert police to the issues, and a stake in the neighborhood due to home ownership.

# Gang Trends 

The same theory applied to the gang presence on Broadway Simpson. A concentration of Gangster Disciples attracted violence. Those seeking to retaliate for gang offenses knew where to go find a GD.

# Design Assessments 

## Building Inspection Tours

Bill Albert was my neighborhood Building Inspector. He gave me background on the neighborhood property owners and mentored me in building code violations. We would tour the neighborhood weekly looking for little things that might send the message that nobody cared. If I saw a light out, a screen dangling out a window or a fire extinguisher missing I would tell Bill and he would write an order. With some landlords it could be more informal. Having Bill in the neighborhood was a blessing. But it only lasted a year.

## Bare Grass Areas Orders

In early spring in Wisconsin, Bill would write orders to plant grass. It was a code violation in a residential area to have patches of bare ground. But I learned from Bill that these were the most difficult orders on which to get compliance. Problem landlords would have 60 days to remedy that patched of bare ground, plus a 60-day extension. The orders became unenforceable because you can't grow grass in Wisconsin in the winter. I noticed a correlation between bare areas and street level drug deals. Between the buildings in the 1900 block whole side yards were free of grass. The idea came from reading POP summaries about open-air drug markets. The descriptions almost always mentioned areas of bare ground. In 2006 I obtained data on orders written by BI to grow grass for the whole city. No clear picture emerged because not all inspectors were as diligent as Bill. I did a survey of both Broadway Simpson and the Allied Dr neighborhood. In that year Allied had at least 14 areas lacking grass and Broadway Simpson only one.

# Broken Windows 

Overcrowding and rampant trespassing at the 8 -units overwhelmed the owners' ability to keep up. One told me, "Why should I fix it, my tenants will just destroy it again." That was the excuse for never fixing security locks too, though they were required by city ordinance. In contrast, the maintenance staffs at the larger complexes were very responsive to my requests and also great sources of information.

## Drug Sales Facilitators - Drug Market Analysis

Trying to understand why the 1900 block of had become a public drug market I studied the unique design factors of the. Disorder served as a cover for the dealers who sold in the common parking lots. Hundreds of people congregated in good weather. People would sit on cars, stoops, curbs or lawn chairs. There were four shared driveways leading into the de facto courtyard. Parking stops were removed to allow for free traffic flow in and out from any direction. The arrangement allowed for drive through business. Six owners had a piece of this space and there was no indication of where one property stopped and another started. seen as public space it was a shortcut for whole neighborhood. The drug market called "Hampsterdam" in the HBO series The Wire, reminded me of "The Hole".

## City Improvements to Public Space

There were many environmental changes that the City could make to improve the safety of the neighborhood. I did a hot spot analysis as one of my first priorities. I was hoping to identify the locations at which large disturbance occurred and at which officers were harassed and threatened. The terraces along each side of Simpson St emerged as the main location where groups of juveniles hung out adjacent to parked cars.

# Response 

For seven years the neighborhood officers initiated responses to the problems in the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood. Some of responses could be considered Problem Oriented Policing projects, while others were just ideas that met a need. We borrowed heavily from good work being done by other jurisdictions. Several ideas were pioneered in this project. These include Shifting and Sharing, Focused Deterrence and Second Generation CPTED

## Environmental Design

## The Fence

- A critical part of success in the neighborhood.
- It was a message to everyone that it was not business as usual anymore
- Originally the six-foot chain link fence divided the middle of the 1900 block along the property line
- There was no gate or passageway for pedestrian traffic. We expected it to be cut.
- When it was, the resident manager at 1901 Simpson St repaired it himself.
- When a vehicle drove through the Hoboken Rd segment, a team of volunteers put in the gate.
- The symbolism of the teamwork was priceless and after that it was never cut.
- Donated 500 pound landscaping boulders made sure no on would ever drive through it again.
- It made the trespass project possible
- All six landlords were now individually responsible for their property.
- Drug abatement seizures, closing the public drug market, and ending the shootings were all dependent on the fence.

# No Stopping Standing or Parking 

- The terrace on each side of Simpson St had numerous patches of bare ground on these city owned strips
- Before the hot spots analysis, cars parked along both sides of four uninterrupted blocks.
- Parties and loud music provided cover for several dealers selling to passing vehicles.
- Many fights, which became hostile crowds to responding officers, originated along the street.
- Using emergency powers that only he seemed aware of, Alder Bruer had both sides posted in a couple of months.
- Eliminating street parking, or even stopping, has become standard procedure in troubled neighborhoods*.


## Focused Deterrence

Two successive years of Thanksgiving homicides and shootings seemed like horrible setbacks. On Thanksgiving Eve, after the first two tragic ones, residents, social workers, landlords and officers held all night vigils in the 1900 block, providing a moral voice from the community that violence was no longer tolerated.

The known gang members had been targeted for aggressive trespass enforcement. Tenants who harbored the gangsters were notified of our project, as were their landlords.

Over a four-year period at least six distinct groups moved in to replace the departing gang. Each time we identified the members and the leaders. The photo arrays of the latest group were widely distributed. Public loitering declined and some even had alternative residences outside the neighborhood, though they were slow to abandon the lucrative sales area.

The neighborhood officers attempted to engage the leaders and suggest better places to live and work. We also on occasion used our rapport to tap into their authority:

# Trespass 

Using letters of authorization from landlords to have officers act as their agents for parking and trespass enforcement was an idea borrowed from Tampa PD. It was key to helping landlords regain control of their property. The trespass letters allowed us to use the authority of the property owner 24/7.

## Neighborhood Policing

It may seem disingenuous to call neighborhood policing a response since the NPO position already existed. But having strong convictions about how the role could be most effective, I struggled for many years to really achieve the independence from calls and limit the size of the area of the neighborhood. This allowed me to focus on problem-oriented solutions rather than responsive ones.

## Shifting and Sharing - Property Management Improvment

In the carefully crafted and inoffensive phrase "shifting and sharing" the importance of these ideas may not be readily apparent. They are a blueprint for getting people to do stuff. This is a huge part of policing and a critical skill in a successful problem oriented approach. We don't have the authority, power or resources to do what we know needs to be done. Tapping into them is the difference between good intentions and effecting change. It helps to believe that nothing is impossible. I saw these steps as the counterpart to the physical force continuum. They became a plan for working with landlords, especially the ones who refused to improve their practices or properties. Later, I saw the drug abatement process as simply a formal framework for a graduated approach that I had already been using. Perhaps this is why I see drug abatement as a long-term strategy for helping landlords become better property managers. Many see it as simply a program to seize buildings.

# Changing perceptions 

Changing people's minds required subtle persuasion and outrageous drama. Examples of dramatic events that sent a message that the neighborhood was changing:

- Twenty officers swooped into Monona Shores to serve restraining orders on six subjects in the civil suit
- On a holiday weekend, when a cancelled dumpster contract left a horrible stinking mess in the 90 degree heat, city worker hauled it away charging the owner for holiday pay.
- Mothers of Simpson St sponsored many large events including a banquet for the new chief.
- The headline "Monona Shores Sues the Gangster Disciples" was priceless but unplanned.
- The ensuing televised hearing, at which accused gangsters confronted witnesses, was watched by many stakeholders on all sides.
- When an editorial comment referred to Broadway Simpson as the worst neighborhood long after the violence had subsided and many positive things were happening, a passionate response was sent and eventually read the next night. It lead to an invitation for several of us from the neighborhood to appear on the local talk show, For The Record.


## Graphics and maps

- A new Windows 386 computer and the mandatory Quatro Pro training were critical tools.
- At the 2006 POP conference Rana Sampson used a map I created to illustrate her presentation.
- It showed graphically that six owners and seven buildings in one block had outrageously high needs for police service.
- The 8th building, owned by Kay and Jim Paske, had a cfs/u index that was third best in the neighborhood.
- There were two differences: the Paskes; and a 42-inch high fence along two sides of their property.

- The map, which showed this, convinced anyone who didn't think the landlords were responsible.


# ZAP and ALP 

For three consecutive summers the neighborhood officers became increasingly involved in this outdoor leadership program for young pre-teen kids in the neighborhood. The last year it was run by the NPOs and supported by a CDBG grant. We added the Adventure Leadership Program for slightly older kids.

## Assessment

- Hot spot analysis resulted in ending street parking, which cut down on fights that threatened officers.
- Monona Shores' civil suit against the Gangster Disciples was more than driving away a small but violent group; it was a public statement to both the drug dealers and the community
- The drug market known as "The Hole" ended in 1997 when the Gangster Disciples left due to the pressure of drug abatement building closures. The removal of landlords and drug dealers was the result of design changes, shifting and sharing with owners and the community saying no more.
- Drug abatement closing and demolition of 1822 W Broadway in 1996
- Pumpkin Patch Project with JFF and community support to prevent a third Thanksgiving Day homicide
- Gangster Zap, an ongoing focused deterrence effort to identify and target the current gang members with citizen support
- The Adventure Leadership Program, an outdoor adventure program for young teens built pride and confidence and provided positive role models; and strengthened a positive relationship between neighborhood families and officers.
- The Waubesa Project to remove three landlords built a massive civil case that closed four buildings in quick succession. It reversed the critical concentration of inept landlords and allowed the whole neighborhood to begin to heal. I also gave a rebirth to redevelopment plans.

# Data and measures 

1. The reversal of the rise in CFS that started in 1994, continued. For 17 years they have stayed extremely low. For comparison the Allied Drive Neighborhood saw calls continue to rise until 2006. (see graphs)
2. Violent crime was reduced significantly and the neighborhood is safe for both citizens and officers. (see crime charts)
3. The whole community views the neighborhood positively and there is no longer a stigma for school children that live here. (see attached news articles)
4. Residents hold the police in high esteem and feel well served. (see community surveys)
5. Gang violence and shooting that rocked Madison in the summer of 2010 virtually bypassed the neighborhood. ( see Wisconsin State Journal graphic)

## Displacement

- Within the neighborhood, successes moved some tenants west on Simpson St. ten buidildungs and 8 landlords were added to the NPO's responsibilities.
- Tracking tenants who were forced out for gang or drug involvement revealed that many moved to neighboring communities rather than other parts of Madison; some returned to Chicago.
- The beliefs of many in MPD that the problems were displaced to Allied Dr are false. That neighborhood's police calls escalated at the same time as Broadway Simpson's. By correctly defining Broadway Simpson's problems as a critical concentration of bad owners, bad design and perceptions values and standards, it becomes obvious that Allied Drive had its own crop of landlords and even worse design problems. The attitudes of the community are their own and their residual antagonism toward the police is likely the result of aggressive drug enforcement that successfully reduced police calls beginning in 2007. None of the displaced gangsters and rug dealer who fled Broadway Simpson in the late 1990's relocated to Allied Drive.

# Agency and Officer Information 

## Key Project Team Members

Chief Noble Wray
Captain Joe Balles
Sgt Jim Dexheimer
Project Contact Person
Sgt Jim Dexheimer
Madison Police Department
211 S Carroll St
Madison, Wi 53705
(608) 235-8889
idexheimer@cityofmadison.com
sgtdex@gmail.com

# Police Incidents 

As a percentage of 1992 totals
![img-1.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-1.jpeg)

| 1999 | BSN | ALD |
| :--: | :--: | :--: |
| agg asslt | 9 | 18 |
| battery | 43 | 89 |
| armed robbery | 5 | 10 |
| fights/disturb | 18 | 249 |
| drug incid | 58 | 127 |
| SA robbery | 1 | 10 |


| 2005 | BSN | Allied |
| :--: | :--: | :--: |
| agg asslt | 4 | 32 |
| battery | 12 | 92 |
| armed robbery | 0 | 24 |
| fights/disturb | 47 | 410 |
| drug incid | 10 | 163 |
| SA robbery | 3 | 26 |


| 2011 | BSN | ALD |
| :--: | :--: | :--: |
| armed robb | 1 | 7 |
| SA robbery | 0 | 6 |
| agg aslt | 1 | 15 |
| weapons | 1 | 7 |
| drug incident | 2 | 28 |

# Reports of shots fired 

Incidents of calls to police for gun shots in the city of Madison from March 1 through May 31. Callers may or may not have heard a real gunshot. Multiple calls for one incident not shown.
![img-2.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-2.jpeg)

SOURCE: City of Madison Police Department

State Journal

A graphic from the Wisconsin State Journal, June 2012, depicting the locations of shots fired. Note the location of the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood, now the Lake Point Neighborhood is highlighted in pink.

## This page and next:

Citizen posts on recent online discussions recalling the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood

We don't have "hoods" in Madison, Dar, at least not the way Chicago or Milwaukee have them. We do have what technically are called "poverty pockets", or as I call them, "hoodlets". You were right next to one of the worst, Allied Drive. It's been that way for close to 40 years now (l've known people who lived there back in the 70's who said it was no different back then than it is now). Another is W. Badger Rd. between Park and Fish Hatchery. Others that come to the top of my head would include a rectangle bordered by Raymond Rd. on the south, McKenna on the West, Whitney Way on the east, and Hammersley on the North, Anywhere between Park and Beld (old Park) St, Packers Ave. north of Northport, and Darbo-Worthington. One neighborhood that used to be really bad but has been cleaned up somewhat is the LakePoint Dr. neighborhood, formerly known as Simpson St.

## Post \#4483779

# ![img-3.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-3.jpeg) 

The Madison police department and city were very successful in turning around the Simpson St. neighborhood and renaming it some years ago. They were the old Allied Dr. Although many of the residents went to the next low rent place available, some went back home. Somerset was cleaned up some too and some others.

There has been "white flight" for years hence the growth in the suburbs. It may not be overly apparent as we are mid sized.

Rate this post positively

## 16-30-2005, 09:52 PM

## Megan1967

1.392 posts, read 2.258 .102 times Reputation: 545

I'm hearing more and more young parents say that they are avoiding Madison Metro School District so I'm afraid Allan is correct. It stuns me and I want to argue with them, but my friend who is a teacher concurs with their concerns.

I wasn't aware that Broadway/Simpson had actually improved after the name change (what is it called now?). In fact, it was my impression that it was kind of a joke that people thought changing the name would solve the problem. Am I wrong? Have things significantly improved over there?

Rate this post positively

## 16-30-2005, 10:59 PM

## gold*dust 1

3.321 posts, read 2.661 .258 times Reputation: 11125

Yeah it really has improved. Funny I can't think of the name change (Lake something)? You just don't hear about that neighborhood and crime anymore. I think Monona put alot of pressure on them. They got rid of the slumiords, who allowed many of the problem tenants and turned some of the apts, into condo/townhouses and built some new ones which sit unsold.

They have dabbled with the same concept in Allied too...that home ownership will improve a neighborhood. Broadway/Simpson just isn't the happening crime spot anymore, although I did witness a drug deal go down in the Southtown parking lot once sitting in my car outside Kohls.

I mean I'm not quoting crime stats...but certainly the impression I get when I drive by and from all the reading and following I have done on the subject, which has been covered rather extensively over the years.

I just googled and it is now called Lakepoint.

Excerpts from the MPD Neighborhood Survey done in 2002. The results were assembled by police district so these tables compare the eight neighborhoods in the South District. Note that the Broadway Lake Point residents rank third in feeling "very safe" have the highest ranking in feeling MPD is "very effective" in dealing with problems.

# Broadway/Lakepoint 

![img-4.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-4.jpeg)

1. In general, how safe do you feel out alone at night in this neighborhood?
2. Overall, how satisfied do you feel about this neighborhood as a place to live?

| Neighborhood | Very Satisfied | Somewhat Satisfied | Somewhat Unsatisfied | Very Unsatisfied | Not sure/NR |
| :-- | --: | --: | --: | --: | --: |
| Arbor Hills (26 responses) | $65 \%$ | $35 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Bram's Addition (33 responses) | $33 \%$ | $36 \%$ | $24 \%$ | $3 \%$ | $3 \%$ |
| Broadway/Lakepoint  (34 responses) | $74 \%$ | $18 \%$ | $6 \%$ | $3 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Burr Oaks (30 responses) | $20 \%$ | $53 \%$ | $27 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Greenbush (22 responses) | $55 \%$ | $45 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Dudgeon/Monroe  (24 responses) | $96 \%$ | $4 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Regent (34 responses) | $85 \%$ | $15 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Triangle (30 responses) | $47 \%$ | $40 \%$ | $13 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Total Averages | $\mathbf{5 9 \%}$ | $\mathbf{3 0 \%}$ | $\mathbf{9 \%}$ | $\mathbf{1 \%}$ | $\mathbf{0 \%}$ |

## 4. Over the past year, would you say this neighborhood has become a better place to live, stayed about the same, or become worse?

| Neighborhood | Better | About the Same | Worse | Not Sure |
| :-- | --: | --: | --: | --: |
| Arbor Hills | $0 \%$ | $77 \%$ | $19 \%$ | $4 \%$ |
| Bram's Addition | $30 \%$ | $33 \%$ | $18 \%$ | $18 \%$ |
| Broadway/Lakepoint | $85 \%$ | $6 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $9 \%$ |
| Burr Oaks (30 responses) | $73 \%$ | $17 \%$ | $7 \%$ | $3 \%$ |
| Greenbush | $23 \%$ | $64 \%$ | $5 \%$ | $9 \%$ |
| Dudgeon/Monroe | $17 \%$ | $71 \%$ | $4 \%$ | $8 \%$ |
| Regent | $21 \%$ | $71 \%$ | $9 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Triangle | $33 \%$ | $53 \%$ | $7 \%$ | $7 \%$ |
| Total Averages | $\mathbf{3 7 \%}$ | $\mathbf{4 7 \%}$ | $\mathbf{9 \%}$ | $\mathbf{7 \%}$ |

7. In the past, how effective has the MPD been in dealing with the problems of this neighborhood?

| Neighborhood | Very effective | Somewhat effective | Somewhat ineffective | Very ineffective | Not sure/NR |
| :-- | --: | --: | --: | --: | --: |
| Arbor Hills (26 responses) | $65 \%$ | $19 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $15 \%$ |
| Bram's Addition (33 responses) | $12 \%$ | $45 \%$ | $18 \%$ | $3 \%$ | $21 \%$ |
| Broadway/Lakepoint  (34 responses) | $68 \%$ | $15 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $6 \%$ | $12 \%$ |
| Burr Oaks (30 responses) | $40 \%$ | $47 \%$ | $13 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $0 \%$ |
| Greenbush (22 responses) | $14 \%$ | $64 \%$ | $5 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $18 \%$ |
| Dudgeon/Monroe  (24 responses) | $54 \%$ | $17 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $8 \%$ | $21 \%$ |
| Regent (34 responses) | $35 \%$ | $24 \%$ | $9 \%$ | $0 \%$ | $32 \%$ |
| Triangle (30 responses) | $43 \%$ | $37 \%$ | $3 \%$ | $3 \%$ | $13 \%$ |
| Total Averages | $\mathbf{4 2 \%}$ | $\mathbf{3 3 \%}$ | $\mathbf{6 \%}$ | $\mathbf{3 \%}$ | $\mathbf{1 7 \%}$ |

![img-5.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-5.jpeg)

Excerpt form 1998 annual neighborhood report showing data related to property owners.
![img-6.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-6.jpeg)

Timeline showing the changes in gangs present in the Broadway Simpson
Neiohhorhood from 1991 throuoh 1997

# 1992 - 1993  CALLS FOR SERVICE 

![img-7.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-7.jpeg)

An early attempt to map cfs/u data

![img-8.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-8.jpeg)

A page from the 1995 Broadway Simpson Neighborhood Report. The Paske property in the upper left has fewer police calls due to good management practices in spite of the neighboring properties. All these building bordered the drug market known as "The Hole".

The number of incidents and other documentation sorted by type for the first four drug abatement complaints in the Broadway Simpson Neighborhood
![img-9.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-9.jpeg)

A map from 1999 that was used as documentation in the civil action against the owners of 1909 Simpson St. Aside from demonstrating the this one building has needed more police resources than any nearby buildings, it also show the position of fences, parking lots and the sites of demolished buildings after the drug market had been closed and the response phase of the Problem Oriented Policing project was drawing to a close.
![img-10.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-10.jpeg)

- police calls for service in one year

# The Broadway Simpson Neighborhood Officers 

![img-11.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-11.jpeg)

- The above charts show the years that the six officers who were assigned to Broadway Simpson worked there. There were Neighborhood Police Officers in the neighborhood from 1997 until 2004 when they were no longer needed.
- The next chart shows the number of calls each officer took in the neighborhood.
- And below are the number of calls assigned to me for the time I was in the neinhhorhood and the six years nreceding that in natrol MY stronaly held
![img-12.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-12.jpeg)

# City moves to seize 'open-air drug market' 

![img-13.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-13.jpeg)

The city of Madison works to seize the apartment building at 1800 Simpson St., raising it's one of the city's worst drug threats.

## Lawsuit seeks control of

Simpson Street apartments

By Don J. Hall
"Some have accept
"Madison sought Tuesday to work out a drug store. Many known to the city, saying the apartment building at 1800 Simpson St. is an 'open-air drug market'.
"If a press conference Tuesday, an our restaurant that the city had filed a lawsuit in the process of the open-air apartment building under a order to that where local governments to sub-
ject only the new drug market, the law has also nothing to do with the price of drug marketing.
The researcher sought to know whether it was a new drug market. Madison has used this same case for Wisconsin Drug Stores Shipsment Law, a request to offer public and
government to the public. While it is not
government to the public, the
government and the public have to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
government to the public, the
government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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government has to make a decision to
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distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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government has to make a decision to
distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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distribute and furnish to the public. It is not
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![img-14.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-14.jpeg)

A map compiled by the Mothers of Simpson St in March of 1992 that pooled their knowledge of drug locations in the neighborhood, A hand drawn copy was secretly passed on to Officer Dexheimer to help him solve the neighborhood's problem.
![img-15.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-15.jpeg)

NPO Jim Dexheimer watching as a chronic drug house that had been closed was used for training Madison Fire Recruits.
![img-16.jpeg](https://popdatasets.blob.core.windows.net/popdatasetmdimgs/13-39_madison/img-16.jpeg)

Louree Holly, founder of MOSS, and Jim Dexheimer